Libyan Misgivings
Libya. . . . well, I’m really very worried.
1. I’m not convinced that this intervention is justifiable beyond humanitarian grounds. Secretary Clinton was asked over the weekend why the plight of Libyans should matter to the average American. And her answer harkened back to the 1980s and sounded a lot like the Bush administration talking about Saddam. You might remember that we didn’t seek Qaddafi’s ouster then or in the nearly 30 years since. I understand the moral responsibility of a great power when a tyrant threatens his citizens that there will be no mercy, but I’ve yet to hear a convincing explanation of why our action there is in America’s national interest.
2. I’m not sold that it will work. Qaddafi’s not advancing by air. It’s ground power. Are we going to provide close air support for the rebels? In daytime? If so, who’s going to do that? Who’s going to insert the forward air controllers to call in the bombing runs? Sounds suspiciously like ground troops to me. A pure “No Fly Zone” may have worked several weeks ago as a political hammer to force Qaddafi out, but now, I’m afraid it may be too little too late.
3. Do we have the will to see this through? War has a language and logic all its own. What happens when things don’t go according to plan? Now it’s not just words that the President has invested in the rebel’s success—it’s the power of the United States. If air power isn’t enough, are we willing to escalate? If not, then why are we doing this in the first place? I’ve heard some talk about the air-mission in Libya being a cake-walk. I thought we got rid of that kind of talk after Iraq.
4. What are our war-aims? I’ve heard 5 different things out of 5 different capitols so far—and almost as much out of Washington. Our goals become very important when either a) things get tough or b) things go well. Do we seek regime change as the President said from South America or evacuation of the cities as he said over the weekend? Are our allies all on the same page with this?
5. What are our responsibilities to Libya and the Libyan people when this is over? Will we have a moral obligation to help them rebuild the infrastructure we’re destroying? (Bridges, roads, power grids, airport runways, the things that are likely to be targeted now.) Is there any “Phase 4” planning being done? (Goes back to war aims.)
6. How are we going to pay for this?
7. Where is Congress in all of this? Will there be a use of force authorization? Shouldn’t there be?
I hope I’m wrong, but, honestly, I think the policy is a mistake—just more evidence of the interventionist consensus that is bipartisan. The neo-cons on the right (still!) and the progressive internationalists on the left dominate foreign policy in this country. They both see the use of American military power as the key to solving all the world’s problems. But it’s not ever that easy and we’re just too financially strapped to tolerate that deceit any longer.
China has to be loving this.
